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0http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yingluck_Shinawatrat Yingluck Shinawatra - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Yingluck Shinawatra

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Yingluck Shinawatra
ยิ่งลักษณ์ ชินวัตร
Prime Minister of Thailand
Designate
Taking office
July 2011
Monarch Bhumibol Adulyadej
Succeeding Abhisit Vejjajiva
Personal details
Born 21 June 1967 (1967-06-21) (age 44)
San Kamphaeng, Thailand
Political party Pheu Thai Party
Spouse(s) Anusorn Amornchat
Children Supasek Amornchat
Alma mater Chiang Mai University
Kentucky State University
Religion Theravada Buddhism

Yingluck Shinawatra (Thai: ยิ่งลักษณ์ ชินวัตร, RTGS: Yinglak Chinnawat, Thai pronunciation: [jîŋ.lák tɕʰīn.ná.wát]; born 21 June 1967) is a Thai politician, frontrunner of Pheu Thai Party, and Prime Minister-designate of Thailand following the 2011 general election.

Born in Chiang Mai, Yingluck Shinawatra earned a bachelors degree from Chiang Mai University and a masters degree from Kentucky State University, both in public administration.[1] She became an executive in the businesses founded by her elder brother, Thaksin Shinawatra, and later became the president of property developer SC Asset and managing director of Advanced Info Service. Meanwhile, her brother Thaksin became Prime Minister, was overthrown in a military coup, and went into self-imposed exile after a tribunal convicted him of abuse of power.

In May 2011, the Pheu Thai Party, which maintained close ties to Thaksin, nominated Yingluck as their candidate for Prime Minister in the 2011 general election.[2][3] Preliminary election result indicated that Pheu Thai won a landslide victory 265 out of 500-seat House of Representatives of Thailand,[4] making it only the second time in Thai political history that a single party won a parliamentary majority. Yingluck is set to become Thailand's first female Prime Minister.[5]

Contents

[edit] Early life and business career

Yingluck's great-grandfather, Seng Sae Khu, was a overseas Chinese from Guangdong who arrived in Siam in the 1860s and settled in Chiang Mai in 1908. His eldest son, Chiang Sae Khu, was born in Chanthaburi province in 1890 and married a Thai woman, called Saeng Somna. Chiang's eldest son, Sak, adopted the Thai surname Shinawatra ("routinely appropriate action") in 1938. The Khu/Shinawatra later founded Shinawatra Silks and then moved into finance, construction and real estate development. Yingluck's father, Lert, was born at Chiang Mai in 1919 and married Yindi Ramingwong (a daughter of Princess Jantip Na Chiang Mai). In 1968, Lert Shinawatra entered politics and became an MP for Chiang Mai and deputy leader of the now-defunct Liberal party.[6] Lert quit politics in 1976 and opened a coffee shop, grew oranges and flowers in Chiang Mai's San Kamphaeng district, and opened two movie theatres, a gas station, and a car and motorcycle dealership.

Yingluck Shinawatra is the youngest of nine children of Lert and Yindee. She was given the nickname Pou (Thai: ปู, meaning "crab"). Yingluck grew up in Chiang Mai and attended Regina Coeli College, a girls school, at the lower secondary level and then Yupparaj College, a co-ed school, at the upper secondary level.[7] She graduated with a BA degree from the Faculty of Political Science and Public Administration, Chiang Mai University in 1988 and earned a MPA degree (specialization in Management Information Systems) from Kentucky State University in 1991.

Yingluck started her career as a sales and marketing intern at Shinawatra Directories Co., Ltd., a telephone directory business founded by AT&T International. She later became the director of procurement and the director of operations. In 1994, she became the general manager of Rainbow Media, a subsidiary of International Broadcasting Corporation (which later became TrueVisions). She left as Deputy CEO of IBC in 2002, and became the CEO of Advanced Info Service (AIS), Thailand's largest mobile phone operator.[8] After the sale of Shin Corporation (the parent company of AIS) to Temasek Holdings, Yingluck resigned from AIS, but remained Managing Director of SC Asset Co Ltd, the Shinawatra family property development company. She was investigated by Thailand's Securities and Exchange Commission regarding possible insider trading after she sold shares of her AIS stock for a profit prior to the sale of the Shin Corporation to Temasek Holdings. No charges were filed.[9] Yingluck Shinawatra is also a committee member and secretary of the Thaicom Foundation.

She has one son, Supasek, with her common-law husband, Anusorn Amornchat. Anusorn was an executive of the Charoen Pokphand Group and managing director of M Link Asia Corporation PCL.[10] Her sister, Yaowapa Wongsawat, is the wife of former prime minister Somchai Wongsawat.

[edit] Political career

[edit] Establishment of the Pheu Thai Party

After the Thai Rak Thai party was shut down and its executive board banned from politics after the 2006 military coup, many former Thai Rak Thai MPs established the People's Power Party. After the People's Power party was shut down and its executive board banned from politics by the Constitutional Court on 2 December 2008, former MPs established the Pheu Thai Party.[11] Yingluck was asked to become the leader of the party but she declined, stating that she did not want to be Prime Minister and wanted to focus on business.[12] Yongyuth Wichaidit became the leader of the party.

US diplomatic cables leaked in 2011 revealed that during a 9 September 2009 meeting, former Deputy Prime Minister and "close Thaksin ally" Sompong Amornvivat told Ambassador to Thailand Eric John that he did not envision a big role for Yingluck in the Pheu Thai Party, and that "Thaksin himself was not eager to raise her profile within the party, and was more focused on finding ways to keep his own hand active in politics." However, in a subsequent cable dated 25 November 2009, the Ambassador noted that in a meeting with Yingluck, she spoke with confidence about the "operations, strategy and goals" of the Pheu Thai party and seemed "far more poised" than in previous meetings. The cable cited Yingluck saying that, "Someone could easily emerge relatively late in the game to take the reins of the party and serve as the next Prime Minister."[13]

[edit] Pheu Thai Party Leadership

Yongyuth had stated his intention of resigning as party leader in late 2010. Speculation about a snap election in early 2011 heightened internal debate with regards to the party leadership. The front runners were Yingluck and Mingkwan Sangsuwan, who had led the opposition in an unsuccessful no confidence motion against the Democrat Party-led coalition government. As late as 28 January 2011, Yingluck continued to rule out the party leadership, repeating that she wanted to focus on business. However, she was endorsed by veteran politician Chalerm Ubumrung.[14] On 16 May 2011, the Pheu Thai party voted to name Yingluck as the party's top candidate under the party list system (and presumably be the party's nominee for Prime Minister) for parliamentary election scheduled for 3 July. However, she was not made party leader and she did not join the executive board of the party. The ultimate decision was made by Thaksin. "Some said she is my nominee. That's not true. But it can be said that Yingluck is my clone... Another important thing is that Ms Yingluck is my sister and she can make decisions for me. She can say 'yes' or 'no' on my behalf," Thaksin noted in an interview.[15]

[edit] 2011 Election and Rise to Premiership

[edit] Election campaign

Yingluck's main campaign theme was reconciliation following the extended political crisis from 2008 to 2010, culminating in the military's 2010 crackdown on protesters which left nearly a hundred protesters dead and thousands injured. She promised to empower the Independent Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Thailand (ITRC), the panel that the Democrat Party-led government had set up to investigate the killings.[16] The ITRC had complained that its work was hampered by the military and the government.[17] Yingluck also proposed a general amnesty for all major politically-motivated incidents that had taken place since the 2006 coup, which could include the coup itself, court rulings banning Thai Rak Thai and People's Power Party leaders from seeking office, the PAD seizures of Government House and Don Muang and Suvarnabhumi Airports, the military crackdowns of 2009 and 2010, and the conviction of Thaksin Shinawatra for abuse of power.[18] The proposal was fiercely attacked by the government, who claimed that it would specifically give amnesty to Thaksin, and also result in the return to him of the 46 billion baht of his wealth that that the government had seized as a penalty. However, Yingluck denied that the return of seized assets was a priority for the Pheu Thai party, and repeated that she had no intention of giving amnesty to any one person. Abhisit claimed outright that Yingluck was lying and that amnesty to Thaksin actually was the Pheu Thai party's policy.[19] The government also blamed The government blamed Pheu Thai for the bloodshed during the military crackdown.[20]

Yingluck described a 2020 vision for the elimination of poverty.[21] She promised to reduce the corporate income tax from 30% to 23% and then 20% by 2013 and to raise the minimum wage to 300 baht per day and the minimum wage for university graduates to 15,000 baht per month. Her agricultural policies included improving operating cashflow to farmers and providing loans of up to 70% of expected income, based on a guaranteed rice price of 15,000 baht/ton.[22] She also planned to provide free public WiFi and a tablet PC to every schoolchild (a Thai Rak Thai Party plan to provide one laptop per child was cancelled after the 2006 military coup).[23]

The Democrat Party derided her chances in the election. "The novelty will wear off," claimed a Party executive.[24] When Democrat Party Finance Minister Korn Chatikavanij was asked about his thoughts on her, his only reply was, "She’s quite good-looking."[25]

Nearly all pre-election polls predicted a large victory for Pheu Thai.[26]

[edit] Election results and the establishment of the government

Exit polls indicated a landslide victory, with Pheu Thai projected to win as many as 310 seats in the 500-seat parliament.[27] The official result was 265 seats for Pheu Thai, with a 65.99% turnout rate (nearly 31 million voters). There were 3 million invalid ballots; the large number was cited as the cause for the difference between the exit poll results and the official count.[28] It was only the 2nd time in Thai history where a single party won more than half of the seats in parliament; the first time was in 2005 with Thaksin's Thai Rak Thai Party.

United Nations secretary-general Ban Ki-moon welcomed the outcome of the elections and called for all parties to "respect the will of the Thai people as expressed through the democratic process." Aung San Su Kyi congratulated Yingluck, praised the election as “free and fair,” and expected “the ties between Myanmar and Thailand to get better.”[29][30]

Yingluck quickly formed a coalition with the Chartthaipattana (19 seats), Chart Thai Pattana Puea Pandin (7 seats), and Palang Chon (7 seats), and Mahachon (1 seat) parties, giving her a total of 299 seats.[31] Outgoing Defense Minister General Prawit Wongsuwon said that he accepted the election results, and after having talked with military leaders, would not to intervene.[32] Army Commander Prayuth Chanocha, normally a vocal critic of Pheu Thai, refused to give any interviews.[33]

In her first post-election Facebook post, she said that her top priorities were peoples' livelihoods and national reconciliation. She promised truth, justice, and rule of law for all, and asked people to work together to achieve her 2020 vision.[34]

[edit] Criticisms

[edit] Funding support to the Red Shirts

Ms. Shinawatra’s bank account was among 86 bank accounts that the government accused of being used to fund the Red Shirt protesters during their demonstrations in 2010. However, the government did not pursue any legal case against her. The Department for Special Investigation found that from 28 April 2009 to May 2010, 150 million baht was deposited into her account while 166 million baht was withdrawn. On 28 April 2010 alone, 144 million baht was withdrawn.[35] The military's April crackdown on the protestors killed nearly a hundred civilians and wounded thousands.[36]

[edit] Wealth concealment

Ms. Shinawatra received 0.68% of Shin Corp shares out of the 46.87% that Thaksin and his then wife held in 1999. The military junta-appointed Assets Examination Committee claimed that Yingluck made up false transactions and that “there were no real payments for each Ample Rich Co.,Ltd shares sold” and “the transactions were made at a cost basis of par value in order to avoid income taxes, and all the dividends paid out by Shin to those people were transferred to [her sister-in-law] Potjaman's bank accounts”. However, the AEC did not pursue a case against her.[37] Yingluck claimed that “her family has been as a victim of political persecution”.[38]

[edit] See also

[edit] References

  1. ^ "Yingluck to be 'clone' of ex-PM brother". China Post. http://www.chinapost.com.tw/asia/thailand/2011/07/04/308536/Yingluck-to.htm. Retrieved 5 July 2011. 
  2. ^ Kate, Daniel Ten (16 May 2011). "Sister of Fugitive Ex-Premier Thaksin Chosen as Leader of Opposition Party". Bloomberg L.P.. Bangkok. http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-05-16/sister-of-fugitive-ex-premier-thaksin-chosen-as-leader-of-opposition-party.html. 
  3. ^ Hookway, James (17 May 2011). "New Thai Candidacy". The Wall Street Journal (Bangkok). http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704281504576326880909513312.html. 
  4. ^ "Official balloting outcome". The Nation (Thailand) (Bangkok). 5 July 2011. http://www.nationmultimedia.com/2011/07/05/national/Official-balloting-outcome-30159554.html. 
  5. ^ "Yingluck, Pheu Thai win in a landslide" Bangkok Post 3 July 2011
  6. ^ The Economist, Too hot for the generals, 15 June 2011
  7. ^ เส้นทางชีวิตผู้หญิงแกร่ง ยิ่งลักษณ์ ชินวัตร, 4 June 2011
  8. ^ Bangkok Post, Pheu Thai picks Yingluck for PM, 16 June 2011
  9. ^ Srimalee, Somluck (2 February 2007). "SC Asset to invest Bt2 billion in 2007". The Nation (Thailand). http://www.nationmultimedia.com/2007/02/02/business/business_30025727.php. 
  10. ^ Varinthorn.com, อภิสิทธิ์ กับ ยิ่งลักษณ์ นายกแบบไหนที่ประชาชนต้องการ, 6 June 2011
  11. ^ "Thai premier banned from politics, ruling party dissolved: court". AFP. Bangkok. 1 December 2008. http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5hfJ-lAMzPxNPjyXUtOzsYlEvJeow. 
  12. ^ "ก๊ก"มิ่งขวัญ"ขวาง"ยิ่งลักษณ์"นั่งหัวหน้า พท. อ้าง"ผู้จัดการอำนาจ"ไม่ปลื้มนามสกุล"ชินวัตร" ["Mingkwan" faction obstructs "Yingluck" as PTP leader, claims "power manager" does not like surname "Shinawatra"]" (in Thai). Matichon Online (Bangkok). 6 January 2011. 
  13. ^ AP, US envoy in 2009 forecast rise of Thaksin's sister, 14 June 2011
  14. ^ "Yingluck rules out taking Puea Thai helm", Bangkok Post, 28 January 2011, http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/politics/218585/yingluck-rules-out-taking-puea-thai-helm 
  15. ^ "Yingluck takes centre stage", Bangkok Post, 17 May 2011, http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/politics/237363/yingluck-takes-centre-stage 
  16. ^ Straits Times, Yingluck: We'll reconcile, 3 July 2011
  17. ^ Bangkok Post, One year on, truth about crackdown remains elusive, 21 April 2011
  18. ^ Xin Hua, Profile: Yingluck Shinawatra, 4 July 2011
  19. ^ Abhisit Vejjajiva, จากใจอภิสิทธิ์ถึงคนไทยทั้งประเทศ
  20. ^ Straits Times, Abhisit: It's us or chaos, 3 July 2011
  21. ^ Daily News, ยิ่งลักษณ์เปิดวิสัยทัศน์ 2020 คนไทยหายจน, 2 June 2011
  22. ^ Bangkok Post, “Credit cards for farmers and more”, 27 May 27 2011
  23. ^ Yingluck Shinawatra, วิเคราะห์ โครงการคอมพิวเตอร์มือถือสำหรับนักเรียนทุกคน (One Tablet PC Per Child) ของพรรคเพื่อไทย, Thursday, June 30, 2011 at 5:46pm
  24. ^ "Too hot for the generals", The Economist, 15 June 2011, http://www.economist.com/node/21521969 
  25. ^ Exclusive: Pheu Thai are getting ready to call foul – Thai Finance Minister Korn, Asian Correspondent, 18 June 2011, http://asiancorrespondent.com/57677/exclusive-pheu-thai-are-getting-ready-to-call-foul-%E2%80%93-thai-finance-minister-korn/ 
  26. ^ Abhisit concedes Democrats are behind Puea Thai, Asian Correspondent, 16 June 2011, http://asiancorrespondent.com/57508/abhisit-concedes-the-democrats-are-behind-puea-thai 
  27. ^ "Yingluck Shinawatra opposition leads Thai exit polls". BBC News. 3 July 2011. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-14007483. Retrieved 5 July 2011. 
  28. ^ NNA News, [1], 3 กค. 2554 20:09 น.
  29. ^ Reuters, Myanmar's Suu Kyi keeps low profile on upcountry trip, 5 July 2011
  30. ^ Bangkok Post, Suu Kyi welcomes outcome, 6 July 2011
  31. ^ Jagran Post, Yingluck to lead Thailand coalition; military accepts poll verdict, 5 July 2011
  32. ^ Bangkok Post, Gen Prawit: Army accepts election, 4 July 2011
  33. ^ Matichon, [2], 4 July 2011
  34. ^ Facebook.com, Yingluck Shinawatra wall posting, 9.11am and 10.19am 4 July, 2011
  35. ^ "ดีเอสไอโชว์ผลงานตรวจท่อน้ำเลี้ยงเสื้อแดง [DSI shows red shirt funding]" (in Thai). Post Today. Siam Intelligence (Bangkok). 17 June 2010. 
  36. ^ "สื่อนอกตะลึงอีก! ที่นี่สมรภูมิกรุงเทพฯ [Foreign press shock again! This is Bangkok battlefield]" (in Thai). Khaosod (Bangkok). 16 May 2010. 
  37. ^ "Special Report: Thaksin´s 76 bn THB asset seizure case". NNT. Bangkok. 10 February 2010. http://thainews.prd.go.th/en/news.php?id=255302100028url=. 
  38. ^ Taengkhio, Kesinee (21 December 2009). "Thaksin assets case verdict due in January". The Nation (Thailand) (Bangkok). http://www.nationmultimedia.com/home/Thaksin-assets-case-verdict-due-in-January-30118876.html. 

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2http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wildlife_conservation Wildlife conservation - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Wildlife conservation

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Wildlife conservation
The Siberian Tiger is a subspecies of tiger that is critically endangered; three subspecies of tiger are already extinct.

Wildlife conservation is the preservation, protection, or restoration of wildlife and their environment, especially in relation to endangered and vulnerable species. All living non-domesticated animals, even if bred, hatched or born in captivity, are considered wild animals. Wildlife represents all the non-cultivated and non-domesticated animals living in their natural habitats. Our world has many unique and rare animals, birds and reptiles. However the pressure of growing population in different parts of the world has led to the increasing need of using land for human habitations and agriculture. This has led to the reduced habitat of many wild animals.

Contents

[edit] Major threats to wildlife

Major threats to wildlife can be categorized as below:

[edit] The North American Model of Wildlife Conservation

The North American Model of Wildlife Conservation is considered to be one the most successful conservation model in world.[1] It has its origins in 19th century conservation movements, the near extinction of several species of wildlife (including the American Bison) and the rise of sportsmen with the middle class.[2][3] Beginning in the 1860s sportsmen began to organize and advocate for the preservation of wilderness areas and wildlife. The North American Model of Wildlife Conservation rests on two basic principles – fish and wildlife are for the non-commercial use of citizens, and should be managed such that they are available at optimum population levels forever. These core principles are elaborated upon in the seven major tenets of the model.

Public trust doctrine

In the North American Model, wildlife is held in the public trust. This means that fish and wildlife are held by the public through state and federal governments. In other words, though an individual may own the land up which wildlife resides, that individual does not own said wildlife. Instead, the wildlife is owned by all citizens. With origins in Roman times and English Common law, the public trust doctrine has at its heart the 1842 Supreme Court ruling Martin V. Waddell.[3][4]

Regulated commerce in wildlife

Under the North American Model, wildlife exist outside the market, removing any direct commercial value from wild game as they and the meat thereof cannot be bought or sold. Certain products such as antlers and fur may, however, be bought and sold. The end of market hunting was a major step in the restoration of North American species. By removing the pressure of market hunting allowed game and fish species to recover and eventually be taken by hunters and anglers at sustainable levels.[5]

Hunting and angling laws are created through the public process

Through democratic representation, citizens create the policies that regulate, conserve, and manage wildlife within the United States and Canada. The creation and implementation of wildlife and natural resource management policy is an open and public process.[6]

Opportunity for all, funded by all

All citizens have a right to hunting and fishing. Additionally the management of fish and wildlife is funded through the sale of licenses and in the taxation of hunting and fishing equipment. Additional funding comes from state and federal budgets, but the bulk of funding is through these sources.[1]

Non-frivolous use

Under the North American Model, the killing of game must be done only for food, fur, self-defense, and the protection of property (including livestock). In other words, it is broadly regarded as unlawful and unethical to kill fish or wildlife.

Wildlife as an international resource

As wildlife do exist only within fixed political boundaries, effective management of these resources must be done internationally, through treaties and the cooperation of management agencies.[5][6]

Scientific management

Effective management of wildlife and other natural resources must be based on continuous and sound scientific research.[5][6]

[edit] Government involvement

The Wildlife Conservation Act was enacted by the Government of India in 1972. Soon after the trend of policy makers enacting regulations on conservation a strategy was developed to allow actors, both government and non-government, to follow a detailed "framework" to successful conservation. The World Conservation Strategy was developed in 1980 by the "International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN) with advice, cooperation and financial assistance of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the World Wildlife Fund and in collaboration with the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (Unesco)"[7] The strategy aims to "provide an intellectual framework and practical guidance for conservation actions."[7] This thorough guidebook covers everything from the intended "users" of the strategy to its very priorities and even a map section containing areas that have large seafood consumption therefore endangering the area to over fishing. The main sections are as follows:

  1. Maintenance of essential ecological processes and life-support systems.
  2. Preservation of genetic diversity.
  3. Sustainable utilization of species and ecosystems.
  4. Priority requirements: ecological processes and life support systems.
  5. Priority requirements: genetic diversity.
  6. Priority requirements: sustainable utilization.
  1. A framework for national and subnational conservation strategies.
  2. Policy making and the integration of conservation and development.
  3. Environmental planning and rational use allocation.
  4. Improving the capacity to manage: legislation and organization.
  5. Improving the capacity to manage: training and research.
  6. Building support for conservation: Participation and education.
  7. Conservation-based rural development.
  1. International action: law and assistance.
  2. Tropical forests and drylands.
  3. A global programme for the protection of genetic resource areas.
  4. The global commons
  5. Regional strategies for international river basins and seas.
  6. Towards sustainable development.
  1. Tropical forests
  2. Deserts and areas subject to desertification.
  3. Priority biogeographical provinces of the land for the establishment of protected areas.
  4. International river basins.
  5. Major consumers and exporters of seafood and gainers of large fisheries.

[edit] Non-government involvement

As “major development agencies” became “discouraged with the public sector” of environmental conservation in the late 1980s, these agencies began to lean their support towards the “private sector” or Non-Government Organizations.[8] In a World Bank Discussion Paper it is made apparent that “the explosive emergence of nongovernmental organizations” was widely known to government policy makers. Seeing this rise in NGO support, U.S. Congress made amendments to the Foreign Assistance Act in 1979 and 1986 “earmarking U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) funds for biodiversity”.[8] From 1990 moving through recent years Environmental Conservation in the Non-Government Organizations sector has become increasingly more focused on the political and economic impact of USAID given towards the “Environment and Natural Resources”.[9] After the terror attacks on the World Trade Centers on September 11, 2001 and the start of Former President Bush’s War on Terror maintaining and improving the quality of the environment and natural resources became a “priority” to “prevent international tensions” according to the Legislation on Foreign Relations Through 2002[9] and section 117 of the 1961 Foreign Assistance Act.[9] Furthermore in 2002 U.S. Congress modified the section on endangered species of the previously amended Foreign Assistance Act.

Sec. 119.100 Endangered Species:

(a) The Congress finds the survival of many animals and plant species is endangered by over hunting, by the presence of toxic chemicals in water, air and soil, and by the destruction of habitats. The Congress further finds that the extinction of animal and plant species is an irreparable loss with potentially serious environmental and economic consequences for developing and developed countries alike. Accordingly, the preservation of animal and plant species through the regulation of the hunting and trade in endangered species, through limitations on the pollution of natural ecosystems, and through the protection of wildlife habitats should be an important objective of the United States development assistance.

(b) 100 In order to preserve biological diversity, the President is authorized to furnish assistance under this part, notwithstanding section 660,101 to assist countries in protecting and maintaining wildlife habitats and in developing sound wildlife management and plant conservation programs. Special efforts should be made to establish and maintain wildlife sanctuaries, reserves, and parks; to enact and enforce anti-poaching measures; and to identify, study, and catalog animal and plant species, especially in tropical environments.[9]

The amendments to the section also included modifications on the section concerning "PVOs and other Nongovernmental Organizations."[9] The section requires that PVOs and NGO's, "to the fullest extent possible involve local people with all stages of design and implementation."[9] These amendments to the Foreign Assistance Act and the recent rise in USAID funding towards foreign environmental conservation have lead to several disagreements in terms of NGO's role in foreign development.

[edit] Active non-government organizations

[edit] References

  1. ^ a b "NAM Brochure". http://www.azgfd.gov/h_f/documents/NAM%20Brochure.pdf. Retrieved 2011-04-04. 
  2. ^ "Bugle Magazine". http://www.rmef.org/NewsandMedia/PubsTV/Bugle/2004/MayJune/Features/NAModel.htm. Retrieved 2011-04-04. 
  3. ^ a b "TWS Final Position Statement". http://joomla.wildlife.org/documents/positionstatements/41-NAModel%20Position%20Statementfinal.pdf. Retrieved 2011-04-04. 
  4. ^ "The Future of Public Trust". http://joomla.wildlife.org/documents/future-of-public-trust.pdf. Retrieved 2011-04-04. 
  5. ^ a b c "Bugle Magazine". http://www.rmef.org/NewsandMedia/PubsTV/Bugle/2004/SepOct/Features/SevenSisters.htm. Retrieved 2011-04-04. 
  6. ^ a b c "North American Wildlife Conservation Model". http://www.rmef.org/Hunting/HuntersConservation/model.htm. Retrieved 2011-04-04. 
  7. ^ a b "World Conservation Strategy" (PDF). http://data.iucn.org/dbtw-wpd/edocs/WCS-004.pdf. Retrieved 2011-05-01. 
  8. ^ a b http://www.jstor.org/pss/4192201
  9. ^ a b c d e f "The Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended" (PDF). http://www.usaid.gov/policy/ads/faa.pdf. Retrieved 2011-05-01. 
  10. ^ "About Us - Learn More About The Nature Conservancy". Nature.org. 2011-02-23. http://www.nature.org/aboutus/. Retrieved 2011-05-01. 
  11. ^ "WWF in Brief". Wwf.panda.org. http://wwf.panda.org/wwf_quick_facts.cfm. Retrieved 2011-05-01. 
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0http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yemen_Arab_Republic Yemen Arab Republic - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Yemen Arab Republic

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Yemen
Yemen Arab Republic
الجمهوريّة العربية اليمنية
al-Jumhūrīyah al-`Arabīyah al-Yamanīyah

1962–1990

Flag

Anthem
Royal Salute
Capital Sana'a
Government Republic
President Ali Abdullah Saleh
Prime Minister Abdul Aziz Abdul Ghani
Historical era Cold War
 - Established September 26, 1962
 - Reunification May 22, 1990
Area
 - 1990 195,000 km2 (75,290 sq mi)
Population
 - 1990 est. 7,160,981 
     Density 36.7 /km2  (95.1 /sq mi)
Currency North Yemeni rial
Calling code +967

The Yemen Arab Republic (YAR; in Arabic: الجمهوريّة العربية اليمنية al-Jamhūrīyah al-`Arabīyah al-Yamanīyah), also known as North Yemen or Yemen (Sana'a), was a country from 1962 to 1990 in the western part of what is now Yemen.[1] Its capital was at Sana'a.

Contents

[edit] History

Following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, northern Yemen became an independent state as the Mutawakkilite Kingdom of Yemen. On 27 September 1962, revolutionaries inspired by the Arab nationalist ideology of United Arab Republic (Egyptian) President Gamal Abdul Nasser deposed the newly-crowned King Muhammad al-Badr, took control of Sana'a, and established the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR). This coup d'état marked the beginning of the North Yemen Civil War that pitted YAR troops assisted by the United Arab Republic (Egypt) while Saudi Arabia and Jordan supported Badr's royalist forces opposing the newly formed republic. Conflict continued periodically until 1967 when Egyptian troops were withdrawn. By 1968, following a final royalist siege of Sana'a, most of the opposing leaders reached a reconciliation; Saudi Arabia recognized the Republic in 1970.

Unlike East and West Germany or North and South Korea, the YAR and its southern neighbour, the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY), also known as South Yemen, remained relatively friendly, though relations were often strained. In 1972 it was declared unification would eventually occur. However, these plans were put on hold in 1979, and war was only prevented by an Arab League intervention. The goal of unity was reaffirmed by the northern and southern heads of state during a summit meeting in Kuwait in March 1979. What the PDRY government failed to tell the YAR government was that it wished to be the dominant power in any unification, and left-wing rebels in North Yemen began to receive extensive funding and arms from South Yemen.

[edit] Reunification

In May 1988, the YAR and PDRY governments came to an understanding that considerably reduced tensions including agreement to renew discussions concerning unification, to establish a joint oil exploration area along their undefined border, to demilitarize the border, and to allow Yemenis unrestricted border passage on the basis of only a national identification card.

[edit] See also

[edit] References

  1. ^ The United States extended diplomatic recognition to the Yemen Arab Republic (North Yemen) on 19 December 1962, The Times, 20 December 1962.

Coordinates: 15°21′17″N 44°12′24″E / 15.35472°N 44.20667°E / 15.35472; 44.20667

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khttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:Text_of_Creative_Commons_Attribution-ShareAlike_3.0_Unported_License Wikipedia:Text of Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Wikipedia:Text of Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License

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Bhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:Selected_anniversaries/July Wikipedia:Selected anniversaries/July - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Wikipedia:Selected anniversaries/July

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Selected anniversaries/On this day archive
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ArchiveBy email Yuri Andropov - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Yuri Andropov

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Yuri Andropov
Юрий Андропов
General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
In office
12 November 1982 – 9 February 1984
Preceded by Leonid Brezhnev
Succeeded by Konstantin Chernenko
Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union
In office
16 June 1983 – 9 February 1984
Preceded by Vasili Kuznetsov (acting)
Succeeded by Vasili Kuznetsov (acting)
Chairman of the Defense Council of the Soviet Union
In office
May 1983 – 9 February 1984
Preceded by Leonid Brezhnev
Succeeded by Konstantin Chernenko
Second Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
In office
January 1982 – 12 November 1982
General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev
Preceded by Mikhail Suslov
Succeeded by Konstantin Chernenko
4th Chairman of the State Committee for State Security
In office
18 May 1967 – 26 May 1982
Premier Alexei Kosygin
Nikolai Tikhonov
Preceded by Vladimir Semichastny
Succeeded by Vitaly Fedorchuk
Personal details
Born 15 June 1914(1914-06-15)
Stanitsa Nagutskaya, Stavropol Governorate, Russian Empire
Died 9 February 1984(1984-02-09) (aged 69)
Moscow, Russian SFSR, Soviet Union
Nationality Soviet
Political party Communist Party of the Soviet Union
Spouse(s) Tatyana Andropova (died November 1991)
Children Igor Andropov
Residence Kutuzovsky Prospekt
Signature

Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov (Russian: Ю́рий Влади́мирович Андро́пов, Yury Vladimirovich Andropov; 15 June [O.S. 2 June] 1914 – 9 February 1984) was a Soviet politician and the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union from 12 November 1982 until his death fifteen months later.

Contents

[edit] Early life

Andropov was the son of a railway official Vladimir Konstantinovich Andropov, who was a member of a Don Cossack noble family.[1] His mother was Yevgenia Karlovna Fleckenstein, a daughter of a wealthy Moscow businessman, Karl Franzovich Fleckenstein, a German Russian from Vyborg.[2] He was educated at the Rybinsk Water Transport Technical College before he joined Komsomol in 1930. He became a member of the Communist Party in 1939 and was First Secretary of the Central Committee of Komsomol in the Soviet Karelo-Finnish Republic from 1940 to 1944. During World War II, Andropov took part of partisan guerrilla activities in Finland. From 1944 onwards, he left Komsomol for party work. In 1947 he was elected Second Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Karelo-Finnish SSR.[3] He moved to Moscow in 1951 and joined the party secretariat. In 1954, he became the Soviet ambassador to Hungary.

[edit] Suppression of the Hungarian Revolution

In 1954, Andropov became the Soviet Ambassador in Hungary and held this position during the 1956 Hungarian Revolution. After these events, Andropov suffered from a "Hungarian complex", according to historian Christopher Andrew: "he had watched in horror from the windows of his embassy as officers of the hated Hungarian security service were strung up from lampposts. Andropov remained haunted for the rest of his life by the speed with which an apparently all-powerful Communist one-party state had begun to topple. When other Communist regimes later seemed at risk - in Prague in 1968, in Kabul in 1979, in Warsaw in 1981, he was convinced that, as in Budapest in 1956, only armed force could ensure their survival".[4]

Andropov played a key role in crushing the Hungarian Revolution. He convinced a reluctant Nikita Khrushchev that military intervention was necessary.[4] He deceived Imre Nagy and other Hungarian leaders that the Soviet government did not order an attack on Hungary at the very moment of this attack.[citation needed] The Hungarian leaders were arrested and Nagy executed.

[edit] Chairman of the KGB

Andropov returned to Moscow to head the Department for Liaison with Communist and Workers' Parties in Socialist Countries (1957–1967). In 1961, he was elected full member of the CPSU Central Committee and was promoted to the Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee in 1962. In 1967, he was relieved of his work in the Central Committee apparatus and appointed head of the KGB on recommendation of Mikhail Suslov. He gained additional powers in 1973, when he was promoted to full member of the Politburo.

[edit] Crushing the Prague Spring

During the Prague Spring events in Czechoslovakia, Andropov was the main proponent of the "extreme measures". He ordered the fabrication of false intelligence not only for public consumption, but also for the Soviet Politburo. "The KGB whipped up the fear that Czechoslovakia could fall victim to NATO aggression or to a coup".[4] At this time, agent Oleg Kalugin reported from Washington that he gained access to "absolutely reliable documents proving that neither the CIA nor any other agency was manipulating the Czechoslovak reform movement".[4] However his message was destroyed because it contradicted the conspiracy theory fabricated by Andropov.[4] Andropov ordered a number of active measures, collectively known as operation PROGRESS, against Czechoslovak reformers.

[edit] Suppression of the Soviet dissident movement

Andropov aimed to achieve "the destruction of dissent in all its forms" and always insisted that "the struggle for human rights was a part of a wide-ranging imperialist plot to undermine the foundation of the Soviet state".[4] In 1968 he issued a KGB Chairman's order "On the tasks of State security agencies in combating the ideological sabotage by the adversary", calling for struggle against dissidents and their imperialist masters. The repression of dissidents[5][6] included plans to maim the dancer Rudolf Nureyev, who had defected in 1961. There are some who believe that Andropov was behind the deaths of Fyodor Kulakov and Pyotr Masherov, the two youngest members of the Soviet leadership.[7]

[edit] Role in the invasion of Afghanistan

Andropov played the dominant role in the decision to invade Afghanistan in 1979. He insisted on the invasion, although he expected that the international community would blame the USSR for this action;[8] the decision led to the Soviet war in Afghanistan (1979–1988).

Andropov was the longest-serving KGB chairman and did not resign as head of the KGB until May 1982, when he was again promoted to the Secretariat to succeed the late Mikhail Suslov as secretary responsible for ideological affairs.

[edit] Leader of the Soviet Union

Two days after Leonid Brezhnev's death, on 12 November 1982, Andropov was elected General Secretary of the CPSU, the first former head of the KGB to become General Secretary. His appointment was received in the West with apprehension, in view of his roles in the KGB and in Hungary. At the time his personal background was a mystery in the West, with major newspapers printing detailed profiles of him that were inconsistent and in many cases fabricated.[9]

During his rule, Andropov attempted to improve the economy by raising management effectiveness without changing the principles of socialist economy. In contrast to Brezhnev's policy of avoiding conflicts and dismissals, he began to fight violations of party, state and labour discipline, which led to significant personnel changes. During 15 months in office, Andropov dismissed 18 ministers, 37 first secretaries of obkoms, kraikoms and Central Committees of Communist Parties of Soviet Republics; criminal cases on highest party and state officials were started. For the first time, the facts about economic stagnation and obstacles to scientific progress were made available to the public and criticised.[10]

In foreign policy, the war continued in Afghanistan, although Andropov - who felt the invasion may have been a mistake - did half-heartedly explore options for a negotiated withdrawal. Andropov's rule was also marked by deterioration of relations with the United States. U.S. plans to deploy Pershing missiles in Western Europe in response to the Soviet SS-20 missiles were contentious. But when Paul Nitze, the American negotiator, suggested a compromise plan for nuclear missiles in Europe in the celebrated “walk in the woods” with Soviet negotiator Yuli Kvitsinsky, the Soviets never responded.[11] Kvitsinsky would later write that, despite his own efforts, the Soviet side was not interested in compromise, instead calculating that peace movements in the West would force the Americans to capitulate.[12] On 8 March 1983, during Andropov's reign as General Secretary, U.S. President Ronald Reagan famously labeled the Soviet Union an "evil empire."

In August 1983 Andropov made a sensational announcement that the country was stopping all work on space-based weapons. One of his most notable acts during his short time as leader of the Soviet Union was in response to a letter from an American child from Maine named Samantha Smith, inviting her to the Soviet Union. Some people think he used Smith to make the Soviet Union less corrupt. Smith made friends with children in Moscow. This resulted in Smith becoming a well-known peace activist. Meanwhile, Soviet-U.S. arms control talks on intermediate-range nuclear weapons in Europe were suspended by the Soviet Union in November 1983 and by the end of 1983, the Soviets had broken off all arms control negotiations.[13]

Cold War tensions were exacerbated by the downing near Moneron Island by Soviet fighters of a civilian jet liner, Korean Air Flight KAL-007 with a complement of 269 passengers and crew, including a congressman from Georgia, Larry McDonald. KAL 007 had strayed over the Soviet Union on 1 September 1983 on its way from Anchorage, Alaska, to Seoul, South Korea. Andropov was advised by his Defence Minister Dmitriy Ustinov and by the head of the KGB Victor Chebrikov to keep secret the fact that the Soviet Union held in its possession the sought-after "black box" from KAL 007. Andropov was encouraged to state that the Soviet Union engage in the deception that they too were looking for KAL 007 and the black box. Andropov agreed to this and the ruse continued until Boris Yeltsin disclosed the secret in 1992.

When he could no longer work in the Kremlin or attend the Politburo meetings, from September 1983, he adopted an original way of governing: he would suggest ideas to his assistants and speech writers, who would then prepare analytical "notes" for the Politburo.

On a Saturday preceding a Tuesday plenum of the Central Committee, Arkady Volsky, an aide to Andropov, came to Andropov's room at the Central Clinical Hospital in Kuntsevo to help him draft a speech. Andropov was in no shape to attend the plenum and he would have one of his men in the Politburo deliver the speech in his name. The last lines in the speech said that Central Committee staff members should be exemplary in their behavior, uncorrupted, responsible for the life of the country. Then Andropov gave Volsky a folder with the final draft and said, "The material looks good. Make sure you pay attention to the agenda I've written." Since the doctor walked him to the car, he did not have time to look right away at what he had written. Later, he got a chance to read it and saw that at the bottom of the last page Andropov had added in ink, in a somewhat unsteady handwriting, a new paragraph. It went like this: "Members of the Central Committee know that due to certain reasons, I am unable to come to the plenum. I can neither attend the meetings of the Politburo nor the secretariat. Therefore, I believe Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev should be assigned to preside over the meetings of the Politburo and the secretariat (of the Central Committee)." Andropov was recommending that Gorbachev be his inheritor. Volsky made a photocopy of the document and put the copy in his safe. He delivered the original to the Party leadership and assumed that it would be read out at the plenum. But at the meeting neither Konstantin Chernenko, Viktor Grishin, Nikolai Tikhonov, Dmitriy Ustinov nor any of the other politburo members made mention of Andropov's stated wishes. Volsky thought there must have been some mistake: "I went up to Chernenko and said, 'There was an addendum in the text.' He said, 'Think nothing of any addendum.' Then I saw his aide Bogolyubov and said, 'Klavdy Mikhailovich, there was a paragraph from Andropov's speech....' He led me off to the side, and said, 'Who do you think you are, a wise guy? Do you think your life ends with this?' I said, 'In that case, I'll have to phone Andropov.' And he replied, 'Then that will be your last phone call'". Andropov was furious when he heard what had happened at the plenum, but there was little he could do.[14][15]

In his memoirs, Mikhail Gorbachev recalled that when Andropov was the leader, he and Nikolai Ryzhkov, the chairman of Gosplan, asked Andropov for access to real budget figures. "You are asking too much," he responded. "The budget is off limits to you."

[edit] Death and funeral

In February 1983, Andropov suffered total renal failure. In August 1983, he entered the Central Clinical Hospital in western Moscow on a permanent basis, where he would spend the remainder of his life. His aides would take turns visiting him in the hospital with important matters and paperwork.

Shortly before he was due to leave for the Crimea, Andropov's health severely deteriorated. The lightly dressed Andropov had become tired, and had taken a rest on a granite bench in the shade; his body became thoroughly chilled, and he soon began shivering uncontrollably.

The only ones who saw him on a regular basis were Politburo members Dmitriy Ustinov, Andrei Gromyko, Konstantin Chernenko and Viktor Chebrikov.

For the last two months of his life Andropov did not get out of bed, except when he was lifted onto a couch while his sheets were changed. He was physically finished but his mind was clear.[citation needed] Throughout his last days Andropov still worked, even if it meant little more than signing papers or giving his assent to his aides' proposals.

On 31 December 1983 Andropov celebrated the New Year for the last time. Vladimir Kryuchkov together with other friends visited Andropov. He was very thankful that his doctors let him drink a glass of champagne. They remained with him for about an hour and a half. After they had gone, Andropov remained alone with Kryuchkov and told him that he wished health and success to all the friends. At that moment, Kryuchkov understood that Andropov was going to die. In January, the future prime minister Nikolai Ryzhkov visited Andropov. Andropov kissed him and told him to go.

In late January 1984 the gradual decline in his health that characterized his tenure suddenly intensified due to growing intoxication in his blood, as a result of which he had periods of failing consciousness. On 9 February 1984, Andropov's last day, the nurse came to Boris Klukov, one of his many bodyguards, and said that he did not want to eat. She asked him to try to convince Andropov to eat. Klukov came up to Andropov and convinced him that he must eat. Andropov finally agreed to eat and they ate together. Then, Boris Klukov left the room for some time. And after half an hour there was a sudden commotion. Doctors ran to Andropov's room and the assistant of the security director also went there. Klukov called the assistants. He came up to Andropov's room, looked at the display and observed his slowing pulse.[16] Andropov died on that day at 16:50 in his hospital room. Few of the top people, not even all the Politburo members, learned of the fact on the same day. According to the Soviet medical report, Andropov suffered from several medical conditions: interstitial nephritis, nephrosclerosis, residual hypertension and diabetes, which were worsened by chronic kidney deficiency.

A four-day period of nationwide mourning was announced. Inside the House of the Unions, mourners shuffled up a marble staircase beneath chandeliers draped in black gauze. On the stage at the left side of the Hall of Pillars, amid a veritable garden of flowers, a complete symphony orchestra in black tailcoats played classical music. Andropov's embalmed body, dressed in a black suit, white shirt and black-and-red tie, lay in an open coffin banked with carnations, red roses and tulips, faced the long queue of mourners. At the right side of the hall, in the front row of seats reserved for the dead leader's family, his wife Tatyana Filipovna with her red hair held in place with a hairclip, sat alongside with their two children, Igor and Irina.

On 14 February, the funeral parade began. Two officers led the funeral parade, carrying a large portrait of him followed by numerous red floral wreaths. Then general officers in tall Astrakhan hats appeared, carrying the late leader's 21 decorations and medals on small red cushions. Behind them, the coffin rested atop a gun carriage drawn by an olive-green military scout vehicle. Walking immediately behind were the members of Andropov's family. The Politburo leaders, almost indistinguishable from one another in their fur hats and look-alike overcoats with red armbands, led the last group of official mourners. As the coffin reached the middle of the Red Square, it was taken out of the carriage and placed on a red-draped bier facing the Lenin Mausoleum, with its lid removed. After a series of speeches, delivered by military and political leaders from the balcony of the Lenin Mausoleum, Andropov's coffin was carried to the Kremlin Wall Necropolis just behind it. At exactly 12:45 p.m. Tuesday, Andropov's coffin was lowered into the ground as foghorns blared, joining with sirens, wheezing factory whistles and rolling gunfire in a mournful cacophony.

He was succeeded in office by Konstantin Chernenko.

[edit] Legacy

Andropov's legacy remains the subject of much debate in Russia and elsewhere, both among scholars and in the popular media. He remains the focus of television documentaries and popular non-fiction, particularly around important anniversaries. As KGB head, Andropov was ruthless against dissent, and author David Remnick, who covered the Soviet Union for the Washington Post in the 1980s, called Andropov "profoundly corrupt, a beast".[17] Alexander Yakovlev, later an advisor to Mikhail Gorbachev and the ideologist of perestroika, said "In a way I always thought Andropov was the most dangerous of all of them, simply because he was smarter than the rest."[17] However, it was Andropov himself who recalled Yakovlev back to high office in Moscow in 1983 after a ten year de facto exile as ambassador to Canada after attacking Russian chauvinism. Yakovlev was also a close colleague of Andropov associate KGB General Yevgeny Primakov, later Prime Minister of Russia.

According to his former subordinate Securitate general Ion Mihai Pacepa,

"In the West, if Andropov is remembered at all, it is for his brutal suppression of political dissidence at home and for his role in planning the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia. By contrast, the leaders of the former Warsaw Pact intelligence community, when I was one of them, looked up to Andropov as the man who substituted the KGB for the Communist party in governing the Soviet Union, and who was the godfather of Russia's new era of deception operations aimed at improving the badly damaged image of Soviet rulers in the West."[18]
Andropov and Wojciech Jaruzelski

Despite Andropov's hard-line stance in Hungary and the numerous banishments and intrigues for which he was responsible during his long tenure as head of the KGB, he has become widely regarded by many commentators as a humane reformer, especially in comparison with the stagnation and corruption during the later years of his predecessor, Leonid Brezhnev. Andropov, "a throwback to a tradition of Leninist asceticism",[17] was appalled by the corruption during Brezhnev's regime, and ordered investigations and arrests of the most flagrant abusers. The investigations were so frightening that several members of Brezhnev's circle "shot, gassed or otherwise did away with themselves."[17] He was certainly generally regarded as inclined to more gradual and constructive reform than was Gorbachev; most of the speculation centres around whether Andropov would have reformed the USSR in a manner which did not result in its eventual dissolution.

The Western media favored Andropov because of his supposed passion for Western music and scotch.[19] However, these were unproven rumours. It is also questionable whether Andropov spoke any English at all. *[1]

The short time he spent as leader, much of it in a state of extreme ill health, leaves debaters few concrete indications as to the nature of any hypothetical extended rule. As with the shortened rule of Lenin, speculators have much room to advocate their favourite theories and to develop the minor cult of personality which has formed around him.[20]

Andropov lived in 26 Kutuzovski prospekt, the same building that Suslov and Brezhnev also lived in. He was first married to Nina Ivanovna. She bore him a son who died in mysterious circumstances in the late 1970s. In 1983 she was diagnosed with cancer and underwent a successful operation. He met his second wife, Tatyana Filipovna, during WW2 in the Karelian Front when she was Komsomol secretary. She had suffered a nervous breakdown during the Hungarian revolution. Andropov's chief guard informed Tatyana about the death of her husband. She was too grief-stricken to join in the procession and during the funeral her relatives helped her to walk. Before the lid could be closed on Andropov's coffin, she bent to kiss him. She touched his hair and then kissed him again. In 1985, a respectful 75-minute film was broadcast in which Tatyana (not even seen in public until Andropov's funeral) reads love poems written by her husband. Tatyana became ill and died in November 1991. Andropov had also a son, Igor (died June 2006), and a daughter, Irina (born 1946).

[edit] References

  1. ^ The noble families from Don
  2. ^ Itogi no.40, 2008
  3. ^ БИОГРАФИЧЕСКИЙ УКАЗАТЕЛЬ
  4. ^ a b c d e f Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, The Mitrokhin Archive: The KGB in Europe and the West, Gardners Books (2000), ISBN 0-14-028487-7.
  5. ^ Letter by Andropov to the Central Committee (10 July 1970), English translation.
  6. ^ Order to leave the message by Kreisky without answer; facsimile, in Russian. (Указание оставить без ответа ходатайство канцлера Бруно Крейского (Bruno Kreisky) об освобождении Орлова (29 июля 1983), http://psi.ece.jhu.edu/~kaplan/IRUSS/BUK/GBARC/pdfs/dis80/lett83-1.pdf
  7. ^ Seliktar, Ofira (2004). Politics, paradigms, and intelligence failures: why so few predicted the collapse of the Soviet Union. M. E. Sharpe. p. 95. ISBN 0765614642. http://books.google.com/books?id=lYApu5aBVboC&dq. 
  8. ^ Protocol of the meeting of Politburo of Communist Party from 17 March 1979, http://psi.ece.jhu.edu/%7Ekaplan/IRUSS/BUK/GBARC/pdfs/afgh/afg79pb.pdf
  9. ^ http://www.edwardjayepstein.com/archived/andropov.htm
  10. ^ Great Russian Encyclopedia (2005), Moscow: Bol'shaya Rossiyskaya Enciklopediya Publisher, vol. 1, p. 742.
  11. ^ Matlock, Jack F., Jr. (2005). Reagan and Gorbachev: How the Cold War Ended. New York: Random House. pp. 41–46. ISBN 0812974891 (paperback). 
  12. ^ Kwizinskij, Julij A. (1993). Vor dem Sturm: Erinnerungen eines Diplomaten. Berlin: Siedler Verlag. ISBN 978-3886804641. 
  13. ^ Church, George J. (1984-01-01). "Person of the Year 1983: Ronald Reagan and Yuri Andropov". TIME Magazine. http://www.time.com/time/subscriber/personoftheyear/archive/stories/1983.html. Retrieved 2008-01-02. 
  14. ^ Archie Brown The Gorbachev Factor, p. 67, Oxford University Press, 1997 ISBN 978-0-19-288052-9.
  15. ^ Jerry F. Hough Democratization and Revolution in the USSR, p. 71, Brookiing Institutions Press, 1997 ISBN 978-0-8157-3748-3.
  16. ^ Documentary film "Кремль-9" (Kreml-9).
  17. ^ a b c d Remnick, David, Lenin's Tomb:The Last Days of the Soviet Empire. New York; Random House, 1993, p. 191.
  18. ^ No Peter the Great. Vladimir Putin is in the Andropov mold, by Ion Mihai Pacepa, National Review, 20 September 2004.
  19. ^ Suny, Ronald Grigor, The Soviet Experiment: Russia, the USSR, and the successor states Oxford; Oxford University Press, 1998, p. 449.
  20. ^ Ilya Milstein (2006). "Yury Andropov. A poet of the era of dinosaurs". New Times. http://www.newtimes.ru/eng/detail.asp?art_id=1052. Retrieved 26 September 2006. [dead link]

[edit] Further reading

[edit] Primary sources

Cold War International History Project Bulletin, no. 5 (Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars, Washington, DC), Spring, 1995, pp. 22–23, 29-34.

[edit] External links

Government offices
Preceded by
Vladimir Semichastny
Chairman of the State Committee for State Security
1967–1982
Succeeded by
Vitaly Fyodorchuk
Party political offices
Preceded by
Leonid Brezhnev
General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
1982–1984
Succeeded by
Konstantin Chernenko
Political offices
Preceded by
Vasili Kuznetsov
Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet
1983–1984
Succeeded by
Vasili Kuznetsov
Awards and achievements
Preceded by
The Computer
Time's Men of the Year (with Ronald Reagan)
1983
Succeeded by
Peter Ueberroth